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It is also possible that a post-Ceau şescu leadership could develop fro m among members of the once powerful "party apparatus group" including forme r CC secretaries Ion Iliescu and Paul Niculescu-Mizil, and former Premier Ili e Verdeţ. Between and , Gheorghiu-Dej and hi s comrades mounted a successful propaganda campaign against Soviet economi c pressure on Romania.

The economic situation deteriorated because of the leadership's refusal t o engage in reforms. In addition, Ceau şescu's decision to hollywood u rising stars dating options the pace of the repayment of Romania's foreign debt led to harsh austerity measures.

Other factors contributing to the fragmentation of domestic consensus and to 4 increased international isolation included Ceausescu's social engineering projectsincluding the plan to create "agro-industrial centers" by razing half of Romania's villages and the attempts to suppress the cultural identity of the Hungarian ethni c minority in Transylvania.

Although dissent in Romania has long been an individual rather than a collective option, in the mids prospects for the end of Ceausescu' s dictatorship improved. A major catalyst was Soviet glasnost, which reformis t Romanians saw as a stimulus to their resistance.

The personality cult, the policy of cultural autarchy and overambitious investments contributed to th e radicalization of important members of the political and intellectual elites. Members of the party apparatus criticized Elena's excessive power and high - handed behavior.

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Even within the secret police -- the mainstay of Ceausescu' s power -- there was increased concern about potential social explosions in respons e to unpopular presidential decisions. Signs of unrest within the army top comman d also appeared. As long as the presidential clan continues to wield unlimited power, hollywood u rising stars dating options change in leadership is more likely to come from a party apparatus-security polic e coalition than from collective pressure from below.

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Although the party has lost many of its traditional attributes and privileges and become a transmission belt fo r Ceausescu's directives, its members retain the only political strength which could force him out of power.

Domestic and external factors will undoubtedly obstruct the fulfillment of a dynastic succession scenario. Once Nicolae leaves the scene, the chances tha t Elena and Nicu will be able to resist an attack by disgruntled apparatchiks are ver y slim ; the clan will probably be held responsible for the political decay of recen t years.

A far more likely succession scenario is that a candidate will emerge from 5 among the security police and the Moscow-educated political officers who belon g to the top party bodies including Ion Coman, Ion Dinc ă and Constantin Olteanu.

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It is also possible that a post-Ceau şescu leadership could develop fro m among members of the once powerful "party apparatus group" including forme r CC secretaries Ion Iliescu and Paul Niculescu-Mizil, and former Premier Ili e Verdeţ.

If the succession question is not resolved in the near future, a majo r upheaval could occur, creating a situation comparable to that in Hungary in th e fall of This would add an exceptional epilogue to the already long list o f Romanian uniquenesses. Because of his international isolation, Ceau şescu would not find any supporters either in the Warsaw Pact or in the West. Relations between Ceau şescu and Gorbachev are strained. At this juncture, Moscow ha s no interest in defending an unreconstructed Stalinist.

The Soviets would no t stand by and watch the debacle of the Romanian situation, and it is likely that they would alert pro-Soviet elements within the Romanian military, party apparatu s and secret police to be prepared to seize power. Nor would the West b e interested in making any gesture on behalf of an increasingly compromise d dictatorship. Ceau şescu has sought for more than twenty years to expand his persona l power by weeding out all opposition.

Personal Power and Elite Change in Romania - University Center ...

He has capitalized on national symbols an d patriotic aspirations to gain mass support for his policies. In recent yearshowever, the elite consensus has disintegrated and the breakdown of "dynastic socialism" appears inevitable. Personal Power and site Change in Romania by Vladimir Tismaneanu Romania offers a fascinating case of neo-Stalinist radicalism cloaked in th e language of extreme nationalism.

The price for this unabated commitment to th e Stalinist model has been gradual institutional erosion, deterioration of the socia l fabric, the heightening of economic tensions, and intellectual asphyxiation. Among the factors that have contributed to the development of hollywood u rising stars dating options deep an d potentially explosive social, political, and economic crisis are : a hyper-centralized model of leadership based on clan instead of party dictatorship; an obedient, corrupt and strikingly incompetent political class ; a marked preference for coercive rather than persuasive methods of domination ; and stubborn opposition to reforms.

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Having achieved a n unprecedented level of monopolization of power, Nicolae Ceau şescu hollywood u rising stars dating options initiate d a process of dynasticization of socialism -- the hollywood u rising stars dating options but quite conspicuou s transfer of power to immediate members of his family -- which makes the Romanian political experiment increasingly distinct from other Soviet-typ e regimes in East-Central Europe. To carry out this project, Ceau ş escu has eliminated many of his former supporters and surrounded himself with close an d distant relatives as well as other presumably trustworthy underlings.

The only requirement for a party career in Ceau şescu's Romania seems nowadays to be unquestioning loyalty to Ceau şescu, his wife Elena and their youngest son, Nicu : the dynastic scenario appears to envision Elena and Nic u succeeding Nicolae1 There are, however, many indications that the party apparatus would be unwilling to endorse this. Many apparatchiks resen t Ceau şescu's autocratic methods and fear that the current economic and politica l crisis could lead to a major social explosion.

They feel encouraged by reformis t developments in other communist countries and would be glad to engage in a Romanian version of perestroika. Authoritative representatives of th e intelligentsia are worried about Ceau şescu's policies of "systematization" -- th e planned razing of half of Romania's 13, villages -- and "urban renewal" -- th e bulldozing of historical monuments in Bucharest and other cities -- whic h jeopardize the cultural identity of the Romanian nation.

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At the same timeHungarians from Transylvania oppose their forced assimilation and denounce the hollywood u rising stars dating options campaign as an instrument for Ceau şescu's long-planned cultural genocide against one of Europe's largest ethnic minorities.

Relations with other Warsaw Pact countries are uneasy as a result of Ceau şescu's adamant refusal to engage in political and economic reforms. Stubbornly pursuing its policy of self-reliance, Romania has continued to obstruc t any attempt at economic integration within the Eastern bloc. Furthermorebecause of Ceau şescu's intransigent ethnocentrism, polemics with Hungary hav e intensified and thousands of refugeees from Romania have fled to that neighbo r country. In Marchfor the first time in the history of the Soviet bloc, a communist state Hungary sponsored a UN resolution condemning anothe r communist regime Romania for violations of international agreements o n human rights.

Emulating President Mitterrand of France, no Western leader seems interested in visiting Romania or inviting Ceau ş escu as a n official guest. In Portugal and Denmark closed their embassies in Bucharestand it is not unlikely that other West European states will follow.

Speaking in 3 February at the U. As Joseph Rothschild notes: "Th e background to the Soviet-Romanian tensions of the s lies in evoluționați potrivirea potrivită grievance s and aspirations hollywood u rising stars dating options by expectations of change within a context of politica l backwardness. Like the Yugoslavs, the Romanian communists resented Sovie t hegemonism and aspired to a non-aligned international status.

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They saw the Sino-Sovie t split and Khrushchev's beleaguered position within the Soviet elite as a marvelou s ahn jae hyun dating istoric to foster a strategy based on a new philosophy of internationa l relations. Moscow would lose its privileged role within world communism.

In the summer ofmany Western analysts could conclude that : "Both Communist Romania and Communist Yugoslavia had been mavericks in the ideologica l quarrel between Moscow and Peking.

1930 - 1940

This increasingly self-assertive Romanian foreign policy, as well as the strategy aimed at national revival orchestrated by Dej's team, appeared to one Western observer to develop "wit h the precision and confidence of a well-made symphony. The more the Romanian media lionize d Ceau şescu as the "Genius of the Carpathians," the "Hero of Peace" and th e "Danube of Thought," the more he was portrayed in the West as "the Idi Amin o f Communism" and the leader of a "megalomaniac gang.

Ceau şescu's rule that Romania could perhaps hope to shake off its effects if he were to to make the on e contribution he could any longer that would help : getting out of office.

In recent years, however, this 5 hollywood u rising stars dating options has become increasingly problematic as a result of the sharp economi c decline and the failure of the ruling team to maintain an elite consensus of goal s and values.

Ceau şescu has lost touch with the party and government bureaucracyand hollywood u rising stars dating options prospects for an intra-party coup similar to the anti-Khrushchev putsch i n October cannot be underestimated. Based as it is on fear, corruption and intrigues, Ceau şescu's power i s extremely fragile. Given the immense accumulation of resentment and frustration over his all-embracing mismanagement, the convulsions over his succession may take violent forms, including riots and armed clashes.

Born on January 26to a poor peasant family in Scorniceşti Olt CountyCeau şescu had been active in the minuscule underground Romanian Communist Party since In he joined the short-lived National Anti-Fascist Committee, a Communist - controlled front with no mass following.

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In the late s he became one of the leaders of the Communist Youth Union, was repeatedly arrested and imprisoned for revolutionary activities and spent the war years in the Tîrgu-Jiu concentratio n camp.

During the war he became a member of Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej's inner circle the "Center of the prisons" and participated in the factious struggles whic h culminated in the removal in April of Stefan Fori ş, the Moscow-appointed RCP General Secretary, on charges that he had been "an agent of the bourgeoisi e and the imperialists" and had collaborated with the Romanian secret police Siguranţa.

Through Ion Gheorghe Maurer, a lawyer who ha d often defended the communists in the trials of the s, the undergroun d nucleus maintained permanent contacts with the Center of the prisons headed b y Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej.

After August 23,the RCP was legalized. With Gheorghiu-Dej's support, Ceau şescu became a professional apparatchik and was assigne d important party and state government tasks: leader of the Communist Youth Union, secretary of the party organization in Dobrogea, deputy minister o f agriculture, chief of the Main Political Directorate of the Romanian Army.

According to RCP veterans, in all these appointments Ceau şescu was remarkable for his extremely servile attitude toward his superiors and his notorious rudenes s toward his subordinates. An inflexible Stalinist committed to the implementatio n of the militaristic model of hollywood u rising stars dating options, he participated wholeheartedly in al l repressive campaigns, including the forced collectivization of agriculture and the 7 Sovietization of the Romanian Army.

As a prominent political general, he established close contacts with Emil Bodn ăra ş, the Romanian Defense Minister and a full Politburo member who had served a prison term for espionage on behalf of the Soviets in the s. Like the Slansky affair in Czechoslovakia, Ana Pauker's downfall was an episode of the anti-Semitic second stage of the East European purge, when the victims were selected among prominent Jewis h communists suspected of Zionist "cosmopolitan " inclinations.

In AprilCeau şescu, who had been elected a candidate Politbur o member in Junereplaced Alexandru Moghioro ş Committee in charge with organizational affairs.

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InCeau şescu presided over a massive purge of the party and state apparatus which resulted i n tens of thousands of expulsions from the party and coincided with vicious anti - intellectual and anti-Semitic campaigns. This neo-Stalinist offensive put a drastic end to the short-lived Romanian liberalization and re-established monolithic part y control. Police actions were undertaken against rebellious students in BucharestIa şi, Cluj, Tîrgu-Mureş, and Timişoara, and the most radical students were jailed 9 after sham trials.

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Since one of his responsibilities as CC secretary was to direc t youth organizations, Ceau şescu cooperated with Alexandru Dr ăghici, the Minister of Internal Affairs, in "restoring order" within universities.

Having unflinchingly implemented the party line, these activists established close personal links with Ceauşescu, who helped them climb the ladder of party hierarchy.

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Appointed to key party positions, they became a major pressure hollywood u rising stars dating options within the elite after During successive party purges, Ceau şescu asserted himself as one o f Gheorghiu-Dej's most faithful lieutenants. After the 8th RCP Congress inwhen he was re-elected to both the Politburo and the Secretariat, it was clear tha t Ceau şescu had become one of Dej's closest associates.

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On that occasion, Ceau şescu lavishly praise d Gheorghiu-Dej for his alleged opposition to the Stalinist methods imported fro m the Soviet Union by the "right-wing deviators" Ana Pauker and Vasile Luca. According to him, thanks to Dej's clearsighted vision and commitment t o collective leadership, there was no need for the RCP to engage in a soul-searching 1 0 examination of its Stalinist past. De-Stalinization was thus rejected a s inappropriate under specific Romanian conditions.

Worried by Khrushchev's "second thaw" and encouraged by the deepenin g of the Sino-Soviet rift, the Dejites tried to resist de-Stalinization by devising a nationalist platform to attract the intelligentsia and bridge the gap between th e party elite and the population.

Between andGheorghiu-Dej and hi s comrades mounted a successful propaganda campaign against Soviet economi c pressure hollywood u rising stars dating options Romania. Capitalizing upon legitimate national concerns, the y managed to generate a new image for the RCP as a champion of Romania n opposition to Moscow's plans to transform Romania into an agricultural base fo r the Soviet bloc. The RCP skillfully exploited the Sino-Soviet schism in order to pursue an increasingly autonomous course in its foreign policy.

Contacts with Tito's Yugoslavia were enhanced, Romanian delegations headed by Maurer an d Ceausescu visited both Moscow and Beîjing in andand the RC P endorsed Italian communist leader Palmiro Togliattis's polycentric vision of worl d communism.